The World in 1850 Fashion Music and Art
illiam Weber, in his pioneering written report of music and the heart course in London, Paris and Vienna in the offset one-half of the nineteenth century, revealed that 'by 1848 a commercial concert world had emerged in each city, over which the center class exerted powerful, if not dominant, command'.1 While the proliferation of concerts was remarkable, it should be borne in mind that they involved fewer organizational problems than, say, opera. Britain'southward population doubled in the sixty years afterwards 1870, but the increase in musicians was sevenfold, a fact Cyril Ehrlich puts down to expanded demand 'derived, in large measure out, from an efflorescence of commercial entertainment'.2 Antagonisms provoked past commercial interests in music began in the same period. Composers were start to depend for their livelihood on the wealdiy suburbia. It was not simply a affair of ensuring that the suburbia attended their concerts. To earn a living, musicians were diversifying - teaching, writing and publishing - as midweek equally performing and composing. Publishers sponsored in areas of their commercial interest: Novelio supported oratorio concerts; Roosey ran carol concerts; Chappell was involved in the founding of St James's Hall and promoted the firm's music at the Monday and Saturday 'Pops'.
In tandem with the growdth of a commercial music industry, the term 'popular' changed its meaning during the grade of the century, moving from well known to well received to successful in terms of sheet music sales. A related development was the reluctance to accept as a folk vocal anything with an identifiable composer, an effective means of excluding commercial pop song. Folk music came to mean national music, an ideological shift adjustment it with bourgeois aspirations and identity rather than the lower course.3 In London, during 1855-59, William Chappell felt comfy giving the title Pop Music of the Olden Fourth dimension to a collection of traditional songs. In the 1890s, however, Frank Kidson explained that he was driven to collecting the textile he published as English Peasant Songs past the desire to counter the accusation that England had no national music.four The concept of a national music brought with it the notion that it was to be found in the country rather than the boondocks.
For Raymond Williams, copyright and royalty are the 2 pregnant indicators of the changed relations brought nigh past professionalization and the capitalist market for cultural goods.five The enforcement of copyright protection on the reproduction and performance of music was an enormous stimulus to the urban music marketplace, affecting the large numbers of writers, performers and publishers based in London. In Britain, the Copyright Act of 1842 allowed the writer to sell copyright and performing right together or separately. The star organisation developed alongside the London music hall: Marie Lloyd, George Leybourne, the Cracking MacDermott, Albert Chevalier and Gus Elen were among the most admired. In the final stages of professionalization in the music hall mergers and the formation of chains of halls worked to remove those aspects of music hall culturally linked to particular cities (like London, Newcastle and Glasgow) and replace them with a national model.
Ticket prices were used to produce a course bureaucracy of concerts. Pricing policy ensured a sociady-exclusive audience at London's Royal Combo Lodge concerts. Fifty-fifty after the Society moved from the Hanover Square Rooms to the big St James's Hall in 1869, the cheapest unreserved seats were 5s and 2s 6d.half-dozen The New Combo Society, founded in 1852, was in the hands of wealthy music lovers and, when it moved from Exeter Hall to Hanover Square in 1856, the price of seats rose and a 'more than exclusive audience' was obtained.seven On the other paw, concerts such as those begun on Saturdays by Baronial Isle of mann in the Crystal Palace in 1855 necessitated popular programming and a pocket-size admission charge in gild to fill the enormous hall. Thus a type of programming was developed in the big city that differed from what was found in the village halls and small town assembly rooms.
Past 1865, London's concert life was entirely professional, 'amateurs no longer playing along, still less pretending to "directly" the proceedings' (Ehrlich 60). The aristocracy began to find themselves unable to beget the high fees of international stars for their private concerts and, consequently, their salons were on the wane during the 2d half of the century From the 1830s on, the middle-class audition had grown and so had eye-class domestic music-making. Taken together with the professionalization of music performance, the event was that apprentice music-making lost the status it had enjoyed formerly when dominated by the aristocracy. Moreover, ensembles that were previously often associated with amateurs, like the string quartet, tended now to be left to professionals, as a upshot of the piano having assumed such a dominant role in drawingroom music. The disharmonize between the materialistic consumerism and spiritual yearnings of the bourgeoisie are neatly illustrated by the domestic piano: in Richard Leppert'due south words, 'Its physical presence commonly fetishized materiality. . . and, at the same time, the music to exist played on the instrument was valorized precisely because of its immateriality'.9 Pianos 'for the million' were being advertised at 10 guineas in 1884,ten and hire purchase was introduced in London and New York to help people buy pianos. British piano-making was concentrated in London, from where instruments weie transported to otlier parts of the country by rail. Along with the influx of pianos into working-class homes in the belatedly ix teen til century came the sixpenny lesson.11
Some other feature of the commercialization of music, its commodification, was virtually evident in the British canvas music trade, besides concentrated in London. Novello's successive reductions in the cost of music meant that the amount of hand-copying was reduced. Cheap music was also to be had from Davidson, Hop wood and Crew, and Charles Sheard (the Musical Bouquet series).12 The halfpenny broadside ballad (usuady topical and often well-nigh a condemned murderer) and the street carol singer began to fall into decline in the late 1850s; yet ballad publishing had once been a lucrative business, specially for James Catnach and his press at Seven Dials.13 When his sis took over subsequently his deadi in 1841, she advertised that 'upward of 4,000 different sorts of ballads are continually on sale with 40 new penny song books'14 A broadside ballad relied not on sheet music but on mutual noesis of a tune (it was indicated merely past name).
The rift between art and entertainment
y the second half of the century a stardom had arisen between 'fine art music' and 'pop music', even if not expressed exactly in those terms. It may be seen every bit prove for Pierre Bourdieu's argument that social groups demand to reach distinction for themselves in matters of gustatory modality, and so that their social and aesthetic superiority is conjoined.fifteen The increase in urban populations and rise of the bourgeoisie brought a need for public demonstrations of social continuing, since information technology was no longer common knowledge who was important Attending concerts was, among other tilings, a means of displaying status (Meet Weber 25-26). Popular forms with a working-grade base oft offer participation (for example, the music hall song's chorus), whereas higher forms are more probable to be objects of aesthetic contemplation.
In 1860, a writer in Macmillan's Magazine identifies a 'higher class of music', referring to music of the Austro-German language tradition, at that time beginning to exist labelled 'classical music'. This is not of a kind associated with female accomplishments; it Is a serious 'human'southward music', in Lawrence Levine'south terminology a 'sacralized' music.17 The writer mentions an former friend, much addicted to quartet playing, who 'would as soon have thought of sawing his love 'Stead" up for firewood as of albeit his wife into the music-room during the celebration of the mysteries'.18 The author does, however, beg 'immature ladies' to brainwash the ears of their fa tilers and brothers past playing a little scrap of Beethoven or Haydn occasionally. Simultaneously, composers found that they were being held to task by high-minded critics for producing low (that is, entertaining) music. The London weekly Figaro, commenting on the first night of Gilbert and Sullivan's The Sorcerer (1877), expressed its 'thwarting at the down fine art grade that Sullivan appears to be globe-trotting into'.19 Another review, in The World remarked: 'It was hoped that he would soar with Mendelssohn, whereas prevarication is, it seems, content to sink with Offenbach'.20
In the first one-half of the century, popular music had been adequate in the 'best of homes', but from now on the message of 'high art' was that the re was a 'better form of music' and some other kind (soon to be seen equally degenerate) that appealed to 'the masses'. Taken together with the increasing 'sacralization' of culture, it meant that the value of conservative female 'accomplishments' was to be reassessed, and that the once praised working-class 'rational recreations', such as Tonic Sol-fa choral singing, and playing in contumely and war machine bands, were to seem insufficiently dedicated to the shrine of art.
New markets for cultural appurtenances
he platonic for London'south social reformers was a unmarried, shared culture, bringing together the metropolis's unlike classes and ethnic groups; simply the reality was that the economic science of cultural provision in the capital necessitated focusing on item consumers. Old markets had to exist developed, new ones created and, where necessary, demand stimulated. The various markets for cultural goods, where different social groups partook of their pleasures, were noted in London at mid-century: 'The gay have their theatres - the philanthropic their Exeter Hall — the wealdiy their "ancient concerts" — the costermongers what they term their sing-song'.sup>21 Cultural value fluctuates with the social condition of the consumer, and dial consumer'south power to define legitimate taste. Cultural competences have a social 'market cost' (they possess value), which is why Bourdieu speaks of cultural capital letter. The working class serve as a 'negative reference point' for bourgeois efforts to acquire cultural stardom (57). What for a working-course audition might be downwardly-to-earth, plain-speaking and funny, for the conservative audience might announced equally rude, vulgar and empty-headed. Information technology is not only the unlike classes, just besides the differing fractions inside a class that possess a characteristic 'system of dispositions' that Bourdieu terms a 'habitus' (6). A cultural struggle occurs when the values of a current market place are upset by the formation of a new market that prices those values differently. The existence of competing markets in cultural goods is shown in Gilbert and Sullivan'south Patience (1881), where Bunthome the fleshly poet and Grosvenor the idyllic poet compete for aesthetic condition and vie for attention in a village full of eager, female consumers of poetry. Significantly, Bunthome explains away the involvement in his rival as 'insipidity' - a lapse of taste. Moreover, he uses marketing language, claiming that since Grosvenor'south inflow 'insipidity has been at a premium'.
Aristocratic taste in the eighteenth century was for ceremony and fbmiaiity; the bourgeoisie reacted confronting that by prizing individual grapheme and feelings.sup>24 The fondness of the bourgeoisie for virtuosi, suggests Leonard Meyer, was because 'paradoxically, the concept of genius is .. . egalitarian. For though geniuses are endowed with extraordinary powers and special sensibilities, these gifts are understood to exist innate rather than dependent on lineage or learning'.sup>25 Music was preferred that did non rely on previous artistic knowledge, and was valued as 'natural'. The subject of dear was favoured because information technology cutting across class. Equally Sir Joseph Porter remarks in H.MS. Pinafore, 'love is a platform upon which all ranks meet'. The values of originality and individuality relate to bourgeois ideology, existence the virtues prized by leaders of manufacture.26
New markets developed for cultural goods, but certain classes and class fractions could but acquire them if that market was socially suitable. A fellow member of the 'respectable' middle class may have wished to hear George Leyboume (Figure 1), but may have only felt able to attend his performance if lie appeared at St James'southward Hall rather than a music hall. By the cease of the century, still, some of the music hall stars had, to use today's terminology, successfully 'crossed over' and won admirers in all classes, thus contributing to the growing 'respectability' of the halls.
In the first one-half of the century in detail, it should be borne in mind that 'popular' did not necessarily mean 'depression status': some of the virtuoso brandish pieces heard in salons were popular in style but of high status at that fourth dimension. Promenade concerts had a petit bourgeois graphic symbol, catering to a gustation adult in cafes, taverns, parks and pleasure gardens. The pleasure gardens offer an example of the impact that a seasonal alter in the course character of the metropolis's population had upon culture, since they were busiest in summer when the aristocracy were not in boondocks. The music in pleasure gardens thus catered for those who lived in London and who were able to beget the 1 shilling admission fee.
Songs for the drawing-room market could exist heard publicly at associates rooms, diurdi halls and, later, ballad concerts run by the publisher Boosey. The cartoon-room ballad was the stimulus behind the offset flowering of the commercial pop music manufacture in Britain and N America, which was axiomatic in the production, promotion and marketing of the canvass music to these songs and the pianos to accompany them. It should be noted how this blazon of urban commercial popular song differed from the popular traditional songs of the countryside. The crucial factor was the piano accessory both because information technology was an essential rather than optional harmonic support to most of these songs, and because a piano was not a portable instrument that could exist taken to the village green (unlike, say, a concertina). Indeed, in London, the middle classes were united in their loatiling of those who had plant a means of transporting 'street pianos' (often termed 'butt organs') into their neighbourhoods. The attempts that were made to outlaw the 'playing' of these instruments relate to the same issues of dissonance and execrable musicianship that are raised past Emily Cockayne in this issue.
The success of Gilbert and Sullivan's Trial by Jury (offset performed on the same bill as Offenbach'south La Perichole in 1875) showed the possibility of a market for English operetta. Gilbert and Sullivan were frequendy indebted to Offenbach, whose operettas were pop in London. The key to Gilbert's humor was the serious handling of the absurd, showing the influence of burlesque, which in London occupied a heart footing between music hall and opera. Musical comedy grew out of burlesque in the 1890s; the new mixture travelled well, and Jones'southward The Geisha (1896) outstripped even the success of Gilbert and Sullivan'southward The Mikado.27Certain varieties of popular amusement that developed in the nineteenth century did win a cross-class entreatment. Blackface minstrelsy conquered the middle class with greater ease than the music hall (See Scott 87.) It began when New York entertainer Thomas Rice copied a disabled African-American slave's 'Jim Crow' dance routine in 1832.29 The commencement troupe, the Virginia Minstrels (fiddle, banjo, tambourine and bone castanets) formed in New York in 1842, calling themselves minstrels after the recent success enjoyed past the Tyrolese Minstrel Family unit Rice visited London in 1836, the Virginia Minstrels in 1843, and troupes soon formed in England, often known equally Christy minstrels afterward E.R Christy's minstrels. Blackface minstrels inscribed racism, but subverted bourgeois values past celebrating idleness and mischief rather than work and responsible behaviour, their blackface mask allowing an inversion of ascendant values.thirty They had a broad entreatment, withal, and in London the Moore and Burgess Minstrels were in permanent residency at the smaller St James's Hall. The enormous cross-class popularity of the minstrel songs of Stephen Foster (his first success, 'Oh! Susanna!' dates from 1848) meant that, from that time on, at that place existed a way that was recognizably American to London audiences.
The diaries of Charles Rice, a comic singer who sang in London taverns during the 1840s, throw interesting lite on the years leading upwards to music hall.31 The tavern concert room, with its lower middle-class patrons and professional person or semi-professional entertainment, has a more straight link to the music hall than do the song and supper rooms effectually Covent Garden and the Strand, which were frequented past the aristocracy and wealthy middle class. West Cease halls, like the Oxford, were the simply music halls to attract patrons of a higher class status; suburban halls relied on patronage from the working form and lower middle class (tradesmen, shopkeepers, mechanics and clerks). Charles Morton had difficulty trying to encourage the eye class to attend his grand hall, the Canterbury, a major obstacle existence that it was located in Lambeth.32 Dave Russell has commented on the regular, though not entirely trustworthy, claims of eye-class attendance made by music hall journals in the 1880s.33 In the 1890s, center-class attitudes became more favourable to music hall, swayed by the 'new character of the entertainment' (Höher 86), in a discussion, the respectability striven for by managers (including their moves to encourage the attendance of married women).
Music, morals and social order
Nineteenth-century conservative values were several, as were their ideological functions (thrift fix against extravagance, cocky-help vs. dependence, difficult work vs. idleness) only where art and amusement were concerned, the key value in asserting moral leadership was respectability. It was something within the grasp of all, unlike the aristocratic values of lineage and 'good convenance'. Respectability immune the bourgeoisie to accept a moral stand against certain aspects of working-grade behaviour, particularly drink and immorality. The fight for respectability was 1 that religious organizations were eager to support. Nonconformism was a major strength behind English language choral music in the nineteenth century (encounter Raynor 93). Methodists, for example, had introduced congregational singing in the previous century, and a desire to encourage teaching and 'improvement' made them strongly committed to sacred choral music. London's Sacred Harmonic Society, founded in 1832, began every bit a nonconformist organisation. Of its 73 members in 1834, 36 were artisans and 27 shopkeepers, figures which reveal that it was dominated by the lower center grade (Encounter Weber 167, table 21)
The rational and the recreational were linked together in the sightsinging movement, even if the singing was not from conventional musical notation. Joseph Mainzer, John Hullali and, last on the scene, John Cun veil each offered competing methods to the singing classes, the latter promoting the Tonic Sol-fa method devised past Sarah Glover, a instructor in Norwich. The London publishing firm Novello, set in 1811, took over the publication of Mainzer's Musical Times in 1844, past which fourth dimension the firm specialized in producing inexpensive musical editions, especially of oratorios, the genre that dominated the choral scene. The lionized composer was Handel, and enormous triennial Handel Festivals, involving up to ii,000 performers alone, took identify from 1857 in a huge concert hall created inside the Crystal Palace at Sydenham, south-east London (where information technology had been reconstructed the twelvemonth after the 1851 Great Exhibition).
The conviction behind Matthew Arnold'south Culture and Anarchy (1869) is that civilization is needed to save guild from anarchy. Civilisation for Arnold is not a broad term: he wastes no time on the music hall. The working class was idea to need 'rational amusement' such as choirs.37 It was non a contemptuous exercise in control: in their own lives the middle class were committed to self-comeback past going to concerts, buying sheet music and performing it at domicile. From the 1830s on, pianos were a proud feature of heart-class homes, and girls were expected to learn to play them.38 A belief in the moral power of music was an all-pervasive ideology: 'Let no i', admonished the keen champion of the improving powers of music, the Reverend H.R. Haweis, 'say the moral furnishings of music are small or insignificant'.39 It was the activities that accompanied music, for example the close proximity of couples dancing the waltz, that raised suspicion of the unwholesome, not the music itself.
For the centre course, culture was in itself instructive only first required that people be instructed in it; hence the didactic character of attempts to encourage working-class 'appreciation' of music. The People's Concert Society, founded in 1878, was an amateur organization dedicated to making high-condition music known amid the London poor. The Society began Sunday concerts of chamber music in Southward Identify, Moorgate, in 1887. From the succeeding year, admission was free, or a voluntary contribution could be made, and attendance was good.40 Persuasion was used, but no coercion was needed to involvement the working form in music; the all-pervasive ideology of respectability and comeback meant that music, instrumental as wednesday as song, could be found even on the timetable at Mechanics' Institutes, peculiarly after 1830.41
The British Brass Band Movement, in the second one-half of the century, was some other case of 'rational recreation', hence the willingness of manufacturing plant owners to sponsor works bands. These bands had their roots in the industrial North, but the steel, ironworks and shipping companies of E London too had bands in the 1860s. Some of the difficulties and distractions facing London bands compared to bands further north have been discussed past Dave Russell (210-11). Huge annual contests were held at the Crystal Palace during 1860-63. The start of these, a ii-twenty-four hour period event with archway prices of 2s 6d for the get-go and Is for the second day, attracted an audience of 29,000.43 The test pieces for the contests at the Crystal Palace placed an emphasis on high-status music: selections from Meyerbeer's grand operas were the favourite choices, as at the Belle Vue contests in Manchester that same decade.
In the 1850s, the auction of refreshments was permitted on Sundays in sure London parks to coincide with armed services band performances. It met with strong opposition from those who wished to baby-sit Lord's day'due south importance as a religious 24-hour interval and who feared, likewise, that the excitement of listening to ring music would trigger civil disturbance (see Mackemess 185-86). On the other mitt, the right kind of music, in the right surroundings, was thought to deed equally 'a civilising influence to which the lower classes were especially responsive45 It was meaningless, of course, if the entertainment was respectable but the venue not. Business nearly prostitution in theatres and music halls grew in the 2nd half of the century.46 Alcohol consumption was another threat to morals and respectability, and music was used as a medium of persuasion by fractional interests within the suburbia, such as the London temperance groups that promoted songs portraying the subversive effects of drunkenness on the domicile and family (Scott 189).
The labouring poor may have been sung nigh and even felt to exist understood in certain socially-concerned drawing-room ballads, but their lives often lay outside the experience of those who sang the ballads. Antoinette Sterling, who then movingly sang 'Three Fishers Went Sailing' (a setting of Charles Kingsley'due south verse by John Huliah in 1857), confessed that not only had she no experience of storms at sea, but 'had never even seen fishermen'46 Actual acquaintance with fishermen was undoubtedly unnecessary, since the subject position such ballads addressed was that of the urban middle course. So, too, did the Savoy operas, which had their roots in the wholesome entertainments given past Mr and Mrs German Reed at their 'Gallery of Illustration' in Lower Regent Street. Middle-class prejudices are aired, though virtually ever in an ironic way as, for example, in Ko-Ko's Ust of 'society offenders' in The Mikado. Egalitarianism is satirized in The Gondoliers (1889), summed upward in the lines: 'When every one is somebodee. Then no one'due south everyone'. The Gondoliers appeared at a time of anti-monarchist sentiment, and the growth of socialist and republican ideas.
The subject field position addressed in music hall entertainment Is that of London's upwardly per-working-grade or lower-heart-class male. Peter Bailey has described the sensibilities of the music hall as 'more trivial bourgeois than proletarian' (Bailey xviii). The performers themselves were of a mixed class background: of the lions comiques in London, for case, George Leybourne had been a mechanic and the Smashing MacDermott (M.H. Farrell) a bricklayer, just the Keen Vance (Alfred Stephens) was formerly a solicitor's clerk. The toff or 'groovy' graphic symbol of the 1860s appealed to socially-aspiring lower-centre-class males in the audition. Leybourne, the most acclaimed of the swells, was given a contract in 1868, at the height of his success with the song 'Champagne Charlie', which made it a condition that he connected his swell persona both on and off stage.50 Bailey has discussed the presence of 'would-be swells' among the lower eye grade from the 1830s to the 1860s, showing that there was 'interesting cultural stock to exploit and play off' (55). The swell, withal, is doubly coded: he might inscribe admiration for wealth and status, just he subverts bourgeois values in celebrating excess and idleness ('A noise all night, in bed all day and swimming in Champagne', as Charlie puts it).
Some other highly-seasoned fantasy was the 'bulldog spirit' found in Mac-Dermott's 'War Song' of 1877 (when the Russo-Turkish state of war threatened British interests in the Eastward). The chorus 'We don't want to fight, but by jingo if we do' coined a new word for aggressive nationalism. The editor of the Musical Times commented, 'information technology is surprising how diose people will shout for state of war who have no intention of fighting themselves'.52 It illustrates that the relationship of song to society is non one of direct reflection. Another, more striking, example is the morbid but popular minstrel song 'The Empty Cradle' (Harry Kennedy, 1880) which went quickly out of favour when infant mortality rose.53
London's socially-mixed music halls were in the centre, and the working-grade halls in the suburbs. The halls were diligently policed, exemplifying Gramsci's contention that if hegemony fails compulsion is ready to take its place.54 The music hall audience of whatever mix, however, defended its values and behaviour when the law was used in a repressive manner, turning upwardly in big numbers at the halls, at police courts and licensing sessions, and writing letters and petitions (Kift 183). Censorship was a edgeless weapon when deployed confronting some performers. There is no doubt, for example, that it was the way Marie Lloyd performed that had such an bear upon on her audition - the lack of corporeal field of study seen in the gestures, winks and knowing smiles that she used to lend suggestiveness to evidently 'innocent' music hall songs, like 'What's That For, Eli?' (Lytton/Le Brunn, 1892).
London's urban ballads were another repository of oppositional elements. 'The New Poor Law', a song about the workhouse that followed that police's passing in 1834 chooses, ironically, the melody of 'Home, Sweet, Home!'56 In some other of these ballads, 'Married at Last' (1840), Queen Victoria is represented as having very 'un-Victorian' sexual interests (120-21). These urban ballads, however, were not for a customs market; because of London's size and the desire to sell widely there was no personalizing of events as in, for example, the songs written by Tommy Armstrong for his Durham coal-mining customs When Armstrong sang 'The Trimdon Grange Explosion' in the local Mechanics' Hall in 1882, he could refer to Mrs Burnett and her dead sons Joseph, George and James, every bit characters his listeners actually knew.58 The ballad presses survived longer than is commonly causeless; indeed, there were still 4 in performance in London in the 1870s, though the marketplace was certainly declining by and then." Urban ballads relied on existing well-known tunes: the striking women of 1888 from Bryant and May'south match factory sang a parody of 'John Brown'due south Body' on their marches through the Westward Finish.60 The next yr, during the London dock strike, Jim Connell wrote 'The Red Flag' (originally to the Scottish tune 'The White Cockade').
Arnold's polarization of culture and anarchy indicates the important role civilization (that is, loftier culture) was thought to play as an instrument of social order in the nineteenth century. High civilization demands discipline, while the low tin can provoke indiscipline and disorder. Where low entertainment is concerned, an audition may shout, stamp, applaud or hiss at will, but a strict reception code operates for high art: you do not talk; you practice non plow up late; you exercise not hum forth; you do not eat, etc.61 John Kassan, in a report of manners in nineteenth-century America, speaks of 'disciplined spectatorship' as the required code of behaviour post-obit the decline of communal working-class pursuits62 Disciplined spectatorship was certainly non to exist establish, for instance, in London'southward 'Penny Gaffs', which were often shops turned into temporary theatres holding around 200 for singing and dancing. At one penny admission they were cheaper than the threepence needed for a gallery seat at the music hall. Mayhew describes with disgust the entertainment on offering and the behaviour of the audience in a gaff he visited.63However, though it proved difficult to impose social order in the gaffs, attempts were fabricated to control the audience'due south behaviour in music halls.64 The net outcome of the campaigns of 'moral guardians' and of social theorists like Arnold was that information technology became received wisdom at the end of the nineteenth century for high-minded critics to chronicle rowdy behaviour to there being one kind of civilisation that was elevating and another, a civilisation of the masses, that was degrading.
Since this article is part of a special edition of this journal, I will add a few words in closing most the changing relationship of musicology to urban history. In the past two decades many musicologists, myself included, grew increasingly concerned by the fail of the social significance of music: for example, the role of social factors in affecting our response to music, and of cultural context in determining the legitimacy of functioning styles. Consequently, my writing is informed by arguments that musical practices, values and meanings relate to particular historical and political contexts. My efforts may be seen as a contribution to a new theoretical model for musicology that is gear up to engage with, rather dian marginalize, questions of cultural space and place.
Last modified 28 February 2017
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